Motto: ‘Many forms of Government have been tried, and will be tried in this world of sin and woe. No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all-wise. Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of Government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.…’ (Sir Winston Churchill, 11 November 1947)
Every international organization periodically undergoes changes. When changes relate to internal functionality or the streamlining of operations, they are termed “adaptations”. When more profound transformations are needed for better anchoring the objectives into global or regional evolutionary realities, we speak of “reforms”. In both cases, a prior assessment of what works and what can be improved is necessary. In November 2025, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe invited Secretary General Alain Berset to submit a reform roadmap. On 15 July 2026, Alain Berset presented a report on what the Council of Europe (CoE) would look like by the 2040 horizon. The report offered Member States an opportunity for in-depth reflection on how the Organization should adapt to the evolving challenges facing Europe, and its added value within the global and regional architecture.
According to its Statute adopted in London on 5 May 1949: “The aim of the Council of Europe is to achieve a greater unity between its members for the purpose of safeguarding and realizing the ideals and principles which are their common heritage and facilitating their economic and social progress”. Today, CoE is the most sophisticated human rights organization in the world. Acting along three priority axes – human rights, democracy, and the rule of law – in 77 years of existence it created standards that became a common European legal space for 46 European countries. All 15 Secretaries General who have led the Council of Europe to date undertook successive adaptations and reforms and left their mark on its functioning, without altering the original purpose, yet keeping pace with the realities of the times. At the heart of the current reform proposal stands the concept of “democratic security”. Democratic security was first mentioned in 1993, at the CoE Summit in Vienna. It refers to the existence of independent judiciary, freedom of expression, freedom of association, functioning democratic institutions, and inclusive societies.
Alain Berset’s focus on this concept was noticed in his speech “What democratic security in a rearming Europe?”, delivered at the University of Lausanne on 24 February 2026, when he said: “This distinction between “hard” and “soft” security is outdated. Today, real security begins with institutions people can trust: independent courts, transparent elections, clear limits on emergency powers, and free media able to challenge those in power. But it also means building a security architecture capable of protecting us from cyberattacks, terrorism and foreign information manipulation. Today’s front lines no longer run along borders or battlefields. They run online, on our streets and on our screens. And they have turned democratic security into our first line of defense.”
Over the last 20 years, the world – and Europe in particular – faced a succession of shocks: financial crisis, Covid-19 pandemic, explosion of socio-economic inequalities, increased economic insecurity, and war in Ukraine. Overlaid on these are the climate crisis and a potential crisis stemming from Artificial Intelligence (or “Super Intelligence”). A bleak perspective that the French newspaper Le Monde summarized as: “Aging countries, a warming planet, AI disrupting professions once held in high regard, the cost of living and the fallout from rising energy prices…” (20 October 2026). We are witnessing growing political polarization, decreased participation in political life, loss of faith in electoral processes, digital isolation and ideological bubbles which limits critical debate, gradually weakening democratic institutions, civil liberties, the rule of law, and media independence. Symptoms also include increasing disinformation, extremism, and public distrust. All affect the social fabric and fuel democratic decline.
Last year, the Council of Europe launched a debate on “The New Democratic Pact for Europe”. The Pact is expected to be adopted in 2027 and its envisaged added value will consist in helping restore public trust in democratic institutions. Viewed through the lens of people’s concerns, for the Pact to succeed it should enjoy national ownership and place social justice as a main priority. An increased role could fall to the Council of Europe Development Bank (CEB), whose mission is to promote social cohesion in Europe. With its origins in the political upheavals that the continent experienced following the Second World War, CEB is active in the fields of health and social care, education and vocational training, social and affordable housing, local and regional development. It also supports climate action, gender equality, jobs, economic and financial inclusion, digitalization and enhancing human capital.
At a retreat on the CoE reform convened by Monaco on 29 October 2026, a common opinion was that the added value of the Council of Europe lies in the uniqueness of its system, particularly the European Convention on Human Rights, the European Court of Human Rights, and the legally binding set norms and instruments. There was a broad agreement that the three pillars of the Organization – human rights, democracy, and the rule of law – must remain the core focus of its activities. Maintaining a distinct position within the European architecture, preserving CoE’s independence and pan-European character, were also key messages of the retreat.
Over the years, human rights received particular attention at the Council of Europe. They are promoted and protected through landmark instruments like the European Convention on Human Rights, and adjudicated by the European Court of Human Rights which enjoys great respect and credibility. As the President of the Court, Judge Matthias Guyomar, pointed out to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, on 28 September 2026: “The separation of powers does not mean isolation. In its work, the Court has also shown, time and again, its respect for the principles of subsidiarity and shared responsibility.The best way to fulfil our mission is to be loyal to the legacy entrusted to us by the founders of the Convention system. Defending democracy and the rule of law and human rights and the ideals of peace and justice.” The rule of law criteria, as updated by the Venice Commission in December 2025, are also clearly formulated: supremacy of the law; legal certainty; prevention of the abuse of power; institutional checks and balances; equality before the law and non-discrimination; access to justice; and constitutional review. Their respect is ensured through legal standards and specialized monitoring mechanisms like GRECO (anti-corruption) and MONEYVAL (anti-money laundering).
In recent time, the third pillar – democracy – has been subjected to a number of new, unchartered challenges. According to an opinion polling from the Pew Research Center, a nonpartisan American think tank based in Washington D.C., satisfaction with how democracy is working has been declining dramatically. Democracy is about building stable, transparent, and participatory democratic institutions across member states. Trust is a fundamental ingredient, and its absence leaves room for a prevailing public perception that democracy is no longer delivering. The World Forum for Democracy, held in Strasbourg on 2-3 November 2026, concluded that: “Democracy is not in crisis. It is, however, experiencing s profound rupture. Across Europe, growing inequalities, the shrinking of civic space, and loss of public trust in institutions continue to intensify, leading to a form of disillusionment, especially among young people. Citizens are increasingly questioning democratic systems that no longer seem to address their concerns and are ultimately losing interest in them or even gradually disengaging”.
A broader reflection is therefore needed on how the Council of Europe can better address democratic backsliding and strengthen resilience of democratic institutions, including freedom of expression, political pluralism and democratic participation, offering, inter alia, effective responses to Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI), and makingthat truthful speech has a greater opportunity to be communicated than false information. A decision adopted by the CoE Ministers’ Deputies on 30 October 2026 (CM/Del/Dec(2026)1574/4.1) on the integrity of information concerning the European Convention on Human Rights system “Instructed the Steering Committee for Human Rights to identify ways of promoting reliable communication to the public and the integrity of information concerning the European Convention on Human Rights system, taking into account challenges that may arise in areas particularly exposed to misinformation, while respecting freedom of expression and safeguarding open public debate”.
Nurturing democracy is not an easy task, and results do not come overnight. Democracy needs time, efforts and good care. As the President of Romania, Nicușor Dan, stated: “A state governed by the rule of law cannot exist without a societal aspiration toward mechanisms that fairly regulate the relationships between individuals, the state, and institutions. While protests and public outcries are legitimate democratic tools, achieving consensus also requires dialogue and compromise. Otherwise, we end up with a society fragmented into isolated “bubbles” each trapped in its own echo chamber. It is essential to foster a society where institutions provide checks and balances on one another, preventing abuses and helping each other function more effectively, all for the benefit of the citizen.” (Post on X platform, 20.10.2026).
Lessons from outside Europe may also help. Democracy is often perceived as a historical product of Europe and North America, a societal model used to advance Western geopolitical influence. Authoritarian regimes invoke this perception to claim that each society may have its own values, which may differ from democratic ones. To fight this narrative, the Council of Europe must advocate that democracy is universal and belong to humanity. Historically, “Global Commons” refer to the global ocean, the atmosphere, the outer space, Antarctica, and the Artic region – to which have been recently added climate change, biodiversity and the cyberspace. But, since in today’s hectic world resilient and inclusive societies can only function within robust democracies, it is time for democracy to be included as well among Global Commons.
Dr. Ion I. Jinga
Strasbourg, November 2026
Note: The opinions expressed in this article do not bind the official position of the author.
