Motto: “If Europe were once united in the sharing of its common inheritance there would be no limit to the happiness, prosperity and glory which its people would enjoy”. Sir Winston Churchill, University of Zurich, 19 September 1946.
Ancient Greek historian Thucydides left us the following aphorism: “The secret of happiness is freedom, and the secret of freedom is courage”. 25 centuries later,President John F. Kennedy remarked in his famous speech in Berlin, on 26 June 1963: “Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free”. Since then, the international context has changed profoundly but one of the most relevant lessons JFK left to us is that if we cannot resolve our differences, we can however create a world in which diversity does not necessarily represent an insurmountable problem. Today, when confrontation is again at the top of the international agenda, we are witnessing large-scale hybrid threats, growing challenge to the multilateralism and weakening of democratic institutions. Europe is no exception. The changing geopolitical environment, divergences in governance models, technological disruptions, wars, migration, climate-related instability, growing socio-economic inequalities and democratic backsliding, all are vulnerabilities that make Europe fragile.
A study published by the British Ministry of Defense in March 2026 – “Future Operating Environments 2040” – identifies drivers of change which will shape the long-term future of the security environment: global power competition, demographic pressure, climate change, technological advances and connectivity, economic transformation and energy transition, inequality and pressure on governance. The study assesses that the influence of social media algorithms, deep-fake technologies and widespread misinformation will make the cognitive space potentially untrustworthy, affecting the perceptions and behaviors of decision-makers and population. The future operating environments are also likely to be influenced by strategic manipulation of international law, such as selective treaty interpretation or exploiting ambiguities in customary international law, challenging States’ sovereignty and global norms.
This unstable reality presents a formidable test for policymakers. In a speech at the University of Lausanne, on 24 February 2026, Alain Berset, Secretary General of the Council of Europe (CoE), noted: “What Europe needs is security based on democracy and on established and predictable rules. That is why we need to rethink our concept of security. Today’s front lines no longer run along borders or battlefields. They run online, on our streets and on our screens. And they have turned democratic security into our first line of defense. Europe needs to have a forum where its collective security can be conceived, decided and guaranteed within the framework of the law: a genuine European Security Council, which must defend both its territory and its values… The Council of Europe was designed for times when the rules of the established order cease to be self-evident. What other organization in Europe exists precisely for this purpose, to define the legal and democratic framework without which there can be no lasting European security?”
From a historic perspective, the concept of democratic security appeared in the wake of the Cold War and was built on five pillars: an efficient and independent judiciary, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and association, the efficient functioning of democratic institutions, and inclusive societies. According to the Estonian think-tank Democratic Security Institute: “Democratic security is a vital framework for moving the discourse beyond dry accounts of geopolitical alignment and realpolitik. Democratic security is an approach that argues for the intrinsic benefits of democratization on its own terms, rather than as a set of check boxes countries need to tick in order to win “prizes” like EU membership or increased development aid”.
The idea of granting the Council of Europe the status of a permanent framework for examining situations threating European security and stability is part of the current reflection on the reform of the Organization, which includes political, administrative, programs and budgetary reforms – all together defining the future strategic direction of the Council of Europe and articulating an ambitious political vision. Although CoE has no competences in the field of defense and military security, it could act on the legal, institutional and democratic dimensions of crisis management, resilience, good offices and political coordination. A SWOT analysis (a study undertaken by an organization to identify its internal strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) could help refine the concept.
To succeed, this project has to bring complementarity, because the Council of Europe cannot replace the UN Security Council, or to exercise coercive functions. New CoE competences in anticipating and coordinating responses to challenges related to democratic security should not overlap with either the European Union, NATO, or OSCE work, therefore consultations with these organizations would be desirable to define the initiative’s place in the European security architecture. Because updating CoE statutory competences requests Member States agreement, a critical mass of support from European leaders is needed. To get political traction, the concept could also be discussed at the World Economic Forum in Davos, the Munich Security Conference, or the European Political Community.
On 15 May 2026, in Chișinău, Republic of Moldova, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe adopted the New External Action Strategy, with the aim to enhance the global position of the Organization as a regional contributor to protect human rights, democratic security and the international law-based order. The New Democratic Pact for Europe, launched in 2025, serves as a conceptual foundation, and the Strategy places democratic security as a transversal concept for reinforcing engagement with countries and organizations from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, Central Asia, Latin America and Africa, through partnerships based on respect and reciprocity. Existing CoE conventions which have proven to be effective tools for cooperation with non-Member States (including on criminal law, cybercrime, artificial intelligence, sport, data protection, youth participation, climate action etc.), as well as the CoE North-South Centre, are seen as bridges for a broader engagement.
The External Action Strategy and the New Democratic Pact for Europe are interconnected with the ongoing reflection on the reform and the role of the Organization in the current geopolitical context. To ensure implementation, at their meeting in Chișinău the foreign ministers of CoE Member States “invited the Secretary General to pursue this process within the existing resources in a structured and inclusive manner”. This clarification is important because today rising energy prices are colliding with weak economic growth and, once seen as temporary, the crisis is now expected to have longer-lasting effects and is spreading through the wider economy. Politically, it may create space for distrust and risks to accelerate support for protectionist or inward-looking approaches, narrowing the space for pioneering ideas. Because trust cannot be established by decree but is built together with citizens, even visionary projects need to be adapted to the political, social and economic reality of the time, and the role of international organizations cannot be separated from people’s expectations. As Henry Kissinger once noted: “No foreign policy – no matter how ingenious – has any chance of success if it is born in the minds of a few and carried in the hearts of none”.
In 2013, in the article “The Revenge of Geography”, Robert D. Kaplan warned that geography may not determine everything, but it defines the realm of the possible action for international actors. In times of structural transformations, with shifting alliances in a permanently unstable environment, when confusion progresses faster than knowledge, geography remains a stable reference. This explains the resurgence of geography in international relations and power politics, alongside the geopolitics of infrastructures and the global interdependencies. Through its geography, infrastructure, and a firm commitment to the transatlantic partnership, Romania contributes to the stability equation in Europe and beyond.
Another stable reference must remain the respect for democratic values and international law. As the President of Romania, Nicușor Dan, told the heads of diplomatic missions accredited in Bucharest, on 15 January 2026: “The awareness of unpredictability represents the only incontestable aspect in this period of global realignments, paradigm shifts, and complex foreign policy calculations. Romania will seek to actively participate in rethinking and making the multilateral system more efficient. We will be a reliable partner that supports and promotes democratic values and international law. From Romania’s perspective, it is fundamental that the founding values of collective security remain the same: the principles of the UN Charter, independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of states”.
Finally, the Council of Europe is not the only one in search of the future; the entire world is navigating a period of transition with no clear end on the horizon. As the question “Quo Vadis Homo Sapiens?” (“Where are you going, Homo Sapiens?”) invites reflection on the future of humanity, for the Council of Europe the choice is between attending history or making history.
Strasbourg, May 2026
Dr. Ion I. Jinga
Note: The opinions expressed in this article do not bind the official position of the author.
